Today, diplomacy is considered a closed field where foreigners are not allowed. But in the Russian Empire, the situation was different: foreigners, who were in Russian service, as well as their descendants, often became the country’s representatives.
In the middle of the 19th century, 80% of the posts in the Foreign Ministry were occupied by Germans. Although minor positions are also included, there were also major players among the people from the German countries – down to the heads of the Foreign Ministry.
Andrey Osterman
Heinrich Johann Friedrich Ostermann
Public domain
The Westphalian Heinrich Johann Friedrich Ostermann began his career in the diplomatic field as a simple clerk – versed in Latin, German, French, Dutch, Italian and Russian, he devoted himself to foreign correspondence and translation. Osterman’s first serious mission was to inform the Polish king about the conquest of Riga in the course of Russo-Swedish War. This mission was followed by trips to Prussia and Denmark: these countries had to be persuaded to more actively join the conflict.
Furthermore, the German did business in a number of European states and participated in several signings of peace agreements – especially with Turkey and Sweden. The latter spanned long years. In 1718-1719, the Congress of Åland took place, during which Osterman officially became the second and, later, the first face of the Russian delegation, skillfully establishing contacts with the Swedish side during informal meetings. In 1721, the Nystad Congress ended the war, where Osterman managed to secure more favorable peace terms for Russia – for example, the city of Viborg would remain part of the Russian Empire.
But Westphalia really flourished during the times of palace coups and survived four changes of power (five, if we count not only the transfer of the throne from one monarch to another, but also the change of regents). For a long time, Osterman practically led the country’s foreign policy, from 1734 to 1740 – as head of the foreign college. He became the author of the alliance with Austria, which determined the direction of Russian foreign policy for many years to come, and also signed the Treaty of Belgrade with Turkey. At the same time, Osterman maintained alliances with other European states – Prussia, England and Denmark.
It is noteworthy that in the future, Osterman’s son, Ivan Andreevich, also led Russian foreign policy (under Catherine the Great). But his 16-year leadership was not as successful: Osterman junior, according to contemporaries, performed more of a decorative function, without having any real influence over foreign relations.
Karl Nesselrode
Karl Nesselrode
Yegor Botman/The Hermitage
Many contemporaries spoke of Nesselrode with obvious hostility, accusing him of a lack of patriotic feelings towards Russia, dullness and other shortcomings. Over time, this point of view also captured the science of history. Today, however, we hear calls for a revision of this opinion towards him. Some researchers point to the previous lack of attention to positive feedback about Nesselrode and also to the fact that the politician in his letters, for example, always expressed rather warm feelings for his country.
Before leading the empire’s foreign policy, Nesselrode actively performed diplomatic functions under Alexander I (and, after his death, under his brother, Nicholas I) during the War of the Fourth Coalition of 1806–1807 and Russian campaigns abroad in 1813–1814. The very idea of starting such campaigns before the end of the war with Napoleon and the liberation of Western Europe belonged to Nesselrode. His signature appears on many of the agreements of the time, associated with the struggle of the European states against France, as well as on the Treaty of Paris. Apart from that, the German participated in the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815 and in all the congresses of the Holy Alliance.
In 1816 Nesselrode took control of the foreign college. Along with him, to create balance between different political positions, another politician was in control of foreign relations – Ioannis Kapodistrias, the future first president of Greece. However, it was Nesselrode who, having won the Emperor’s favor, remained the sole head of the Collegium. His record – 40 years in that position – has yet to be broken by any foreign minister.
In politics, Nesselrode adhered to a pro-Austrian course: close relations with the Austrian Chancellor Metternich played a significant role in it. As a conservative, Nesselrode also advocated the fight against revolutionary tendencies in European countries. His biggest mistake was his misjudgment of the state of foreign relations before a new war with Turkey – the Russian defeat in this conflict ended the German’s career.
Vladimir Lamsdorf
Vladimir Lamsdorf
Ilya Repin/Russian State Museum
The figure of Lamsdorf is also reevaluated over time, who was Minister of Foreign Affairs under Nicholas II from 1901 to 1906 (a relatively standard designation for the Russian Empire in the early 20th century). Back under his mentor, Nikolay Girs, Lamsdorf had full access to all information about the country’s foreign policy – even classified information. For his vast knowledge, he was even called a “walking archive” for the Ministry.
In politics, according to contemporaries, the German “prefers sincerity and openness to Machiavellianism”. His close friend, Russian Finance Minister Sergei Witte, noted the same qualities in his colleague: “The count was the noblest and in all respects a decent man. Smart, endlessly industrious… he knew his craft very well. He was not a soaring eagle, but he was a good person. He enjoyed the respect of all diplomats, because if he said something, it was the truth.”
In relations with Europe, Lamsdorf adhered to the principle of equilibrium and tried to balance between Germany, France and England. In the Far East, which at this time became one of the regions of particular attention, he also advocated a moderate policy, which went against the views of the Emperor himself – ultimately Lamsdorf’s influence in this region was limited. His warnings of the danger of the course taken by Nicholas II were considered too late; at that time Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) was already inevitable. The only thing left for Lamsdorf was to establish the work of the Foreign Office under the new circumstances and later smooth out the effects of the defeat.
Germany was also actively engaged in the Balkan issue, restoring Russia’s influence in the region and overcoming several dangerous local crises that could grow into a war. But Lamsdorf’s policy in the Balkans and the Near East, allegedly too passive, and Russia’s defeat in the Russo-Japanese War itself, which the German had tried to avoid, were the sources of criticism of the minister in the Russian media. As a result of the power struggle in the highest circles, Lamsdorf resigned some time after the departure of his ally Witte.
Dear reader,
Our website and social media accounts are under threat of being restricted or banned due to current circumstances. So to stay up to date with our latest content, just do the following:
- Subscribe to our Telegram channel
- Subscribe to our weekly newsletter via e-mail
- Enable push notifications on our website
- Install a VPN service on your computer and/or phone to access our website, even if it is blocked in your country
Source: sn.dk